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— Kate Crawford
Donald Trump’s political movement is clearly associated with some kind of backlash against “elites” and “expertise,” and the same is broadly true of right-populist movements around the world.
There are a number of ways to explain that, but a popular one is to argue that these movements succeed because of specific failures by elites and experts — and in particular, that the performance of these elites and experts, whoever they may be, is getting worse which is why right-populist movements have become more popular.
When I was in college, I primarily studied philosophy, so my expertise (such as it is) is in the field of butting in with niggling conceptual concerns. And I have noticed that in this space, people tend to exploit semantic ambiguity. “Experts” is not an incredibly precise term, and “elites” is even vaguer. When Sean Trende says (and Nate Silver agrees) that “it hasn’t exactly been the best century for the expert class,” I both know what they mean and also struggle to pin down precisely what the claim is. Were there, for example, individuals who made both of these bad economic forecasts?
Silver’s version, meanwhile, suggests that we “begin with the response to September 11 — the Afghanistan and Iraq Wars, which were supported by bipartisan majorities. Then the financial crisis and the bank bailouts.”
Those are certainly major policy failures. But is it actually true that there is a discrete “expert class” that was collectively responsible for all of these problems? And even more to the point, while neither Trende nor Silver explicitly make an inter-temporal comparison, the implication is that in the past, experts were better. And I’m not sure that’s true.
The illusion of regress
Something I think about a lot is how, as a result of the internet and increased competition, media coverage writ large has never been better, but people perceive it as worse.
Imagine it’s 1987, and there’s a newspaper in Los Angeles.
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