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Richard Gadsden's avatar

5. The interesting debates about abortion are almost tangential to the political discourse.

The majority consensus in every democratic country I can think of is that abortion should be available effectively on demand for an early abortion and available with a good reason for a later abortion.

Exactly when the dividing line between "early" and "late" should be can be anywhere from 12 to 24 weeks - countries with an early line tend to have a more relaxed view of what constitutes a "good reason" or (e.g. Norway) have two dividing lines, so early abortions are on demand, mid abortions need one of a long, generously interpreted list of reasons and late abortions need one of a short, tightly judged list. The other big factor is who is judging whether the presented reason is good enough; one major reason that many "pro-choice" organisations don't accept this sort of framework in the US is that they (not unreasonably) fear that the panel or court that determines whether a reason is sufficient can be stuffed with abortion opponents, meaning that no-one or almost no-one will get access to an abortion after the point that on-demand ceases.

There are some interesting policy design questions about how to create an abortion panel in a way that it can't be stuffed with people who will turn it into a rubber-stamp approval or rubber-stamp rejection process. Note that a politically-neutral civil service, medical profession and courts are routine in European countries, so they can be tapped for this; that's not true in the US, which makes this a real policy question.

Remember that almost no-one has a late abortion if they could have had an early one. That means that in almost every case, something has changed since early in the pregnancy; almost always late abortions are of pregnancies that were wanted early on (the main exception is people who couldn't afford an abortion until later on, which is also a public policy issue). When the change is a medical one, very few people who are OK with any abortions have a problem - if a woman discovers she has cancer, then few would require her to carry to term before she can start chemo (chemo is teratogenic). When it's a discovery that the foetus has no chance of living or will be born into a persistent vegetative state, few have many problems. When it's a discovery of a survivable disability (Down's, spina bifida, etc), more people are uncomfortable with a late abortion. When it's a change in economic circumstances (e.g. she loses her job, her husband loses his job, dies, or leaves her), even more people disapprove.

But there's plenty to debate when you get down into these kinds of details. It's just that this is mostly irrelevant to the actual legislative and political processes, where there just aren't debates about exactly what constitutes a threat to the mother's life, or exactly how disabled does the foetus need to be to permit an abortion. Even in the UK, where some now-easily-correctable disabilities are still included on the list that permits a late abortion (they weren't easily correctable in 1967 and the list hasn't been revised since), there's essentially zero political pressure to do anything about this other than from hardcore right-to-life groups - which are groups that can never win a majority because they aren't trusted not to be smuggling in some wider ban.

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Andrew J's avatar

I think Biden is also paying a price for his Secret Presidency low key style of governing. It's mostly been effective at getting stuff done.

But I think people, especially younger low engagement types, really do expect the President to be a TV/internet star and govern through dramatic speeches, commanding press conferences and such.

The Coumo buzz has been memory holed, because he was actually terrible, but it was a thing. And one thing I have seen pointed at for Beshear was his performance doing Covid and tornado press conferences.

Sooner rather than later Biden probably needs to get out on camera in a sustained way with a persona he can sell. If he can't do that...

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